Poststructuralism

A. Was created by the post 9/11 US as a tool in the global ‘war on terror.’
B. Is irrelevant to post-structuralism and international politics.
C. Emerged in an early modern Europe as a replacement for the principle of hierarchical subordination.
D. Emerged during the Russian revolution of 1917.

A. The definition of this practice is centered around territoriality and the idea of state boundaries, as well as creating a particular identity for those women who are trafficked.
B. The concept of s*x trafficking is not highlighted as of interest to post-structuralists.
C. It is the only example of a defined concept that can be deconstructed to highlight the creation of identity in international politics.
D. The definition of s*x trafficking has been created by those who are themselves involved in s*x trafficking and so is an opportunity for non-state actors to have a voice in international politics.

A. All groups, including NGOs, refugees and stateless individuals, have an equal voice in global affairs.
B. As a consequence of how world politics has been theorised by conventional approaches such as Realism, non-State groups such as NGOs cannot gain a voice in international relations.
C. Only states have the right to a voice in the international political realm.
D. There is a hierarchy of those non-state actors that have a voice in international politics, with stateless people coming at the top of the hierarchy.

A. Through the UN sanctioning and taking full responsibility for humanitarian intervention.
B. By parliamentary hearings that raise awareness and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention.
C. Through discourse in the international political arena that split the other into ‘innocent civilians’ and ‘Balkan governments.’
D. All of the options given are correct.

A. ‘foreign policy’ and ‘Foreign Policy’
B. ‘post-structuralism’ ‘poststructuralism’
C. ‘State’ and ‘state’
D. None of the options given is correct

A. All post-structuralists are uniform in their agreement that it is impossible to create such a methodology.
B. All post-structuralists are uniform in their agreement that there is only one possible methodology.
C. Post-structuralists have divergent views on both what such a methodology would look like and indeed whether it is at all possible.
D. Rita Floyd argues that the scholar Derrida would have argued in favour for a uniform methodology.

A. The term underlines that post-structuralism is not confined to a particular post-modern period and is a position with shares more with its opponents, as scholar Waever argues.
B. Post-modernism connotes ‘anti-modernism,’ and post-structuralist theory is concerned with ‘modern’ events.
C. Post-structuralism has more letters.
D. Other international relations scholars were too overtly critical of ‘post-modern’ theories.

A. Post-structuralism is too concerned with human rights.
B. Post-structuralism does not focus enough on ‘the state’ as the primary category of political organisation.
C. He argues that post-structuralism is, in its current form, unable to comprehend world politics and security studies and instead focuses too much on being a critical approach.
D. Post-structuralism does not place enough focus on civil liberties and human rights.

A. Every theory poses differents and, therefore, what counts as ‘fact’ and ‘truth’ differs in every case.
B. All truth claims can be judged true or false, usually against empirical facts.
C. Causal statements about the relationship between dependent and independent variables can be made.
D. Truth is the foundation for international politics theory.

A. Discourses constitute authority and knowledge
B. Discourses are irrelevant
C. Discourses constitute authority and knowledge and post-structuralists use the term discourses to mean that the link between knowledge and power is mutually Constitutive
D. ‘The state’ is the most important element in international politics